I’m showing you that the same infected organizations are behind the trampling of our well-being and rights on a global scale.
One of my goals with this project was to openly behave so generously and with such purity - on purpose - that “they” would simply have to come after me and thereby expose themselves to the public. That’s why I emphasize my harassers on this blog. Their patterns are utterly predictable.
Christopher Hitchens reports:
Thomas Boyatt's memoranda, warning of precisely what was to happen (and echoing the views of several mid-level officials besides himself), were classified as secret and have still never been released. Asked to testify at the above hearings, he was at first forbidden by Kissinger to appear before Congress.
He was only finally permitted to do so in order that he might avoid a citation for contempt. His evidence was taken in "executive session," with the hearing-room cleared of staff, reporters, and visitors.
Events continued to gather pace. On 1 July 1974, three senior officials of the Greek foreign ministry, all of them known for their moderate views on the Cyprus question, publicly tendered their resignations.
President Makarios
On 3 July President Makarios made public an open letter to the Greek junta, which made the direct accusation of foreign interference and subversion: In order to be absolutely clear, I say that the cadres of the military regime of Greece support and direct the activities of the EOKA-B terrorists.... I have more than once so far felt, and in some cases I have touched, a hand invisibly extending from Athens and seeking to liquidate my human existence.
He called for the withdrawal from Cyprus of the Greek officers responsible. Some days after the coup, which eventually occurred on 15 July 1974, and when challenged at a press conference about his apparent failure to foresee or avert it, Kissinger replied that “the information was not lying around in the streets."
Actually, it almost was in the streets. But much more important, and much more material to the case, it had been available to him round the clock, in both his diplomatic and his intelligence capacities. His decision to do nothing was therefore a direct decision to do something, or to let something be done.
Makarios and Nicos Sampson
The argument can be pushed a little further. If we can show that Kissinger is speaking falsely when he says he was surprised by the July coup-and we can show this-and if we assume that foreknowledge accompanied by inaction is evidence for at least passive approval, then we would expect to find the coup, when it came, being received with some show of sympathy or satisfaction.
Nicos Sampson
As a matter of fact, that is precisely what we do find. To the rest of the world, two things were obvious about the coup. The first was that it had been instigated from Athens and carried out with the help of regular Greek forces, and was thus a direct intervention in the internal affairs of one country by another.
The second was that it violated all the existing treaties governing the status of Cyprus. The obvious and unsavory illegality was luridly emphasized by the junta itself, which chose a notorious chauvinist gunman named Nicos Sampson to be its proxy “president."
Sampson must have been well known to the chairman of the Forty Committee as a long- standing recipient of financial support from the CIA; he also received money for his fanatical Nicosia newspaper Makhi (Combat) from a pro-junta CIA proxy in Athens, Mr. Savvas Constantopoulos, the publisher of the pro-junta organ Eleftheros Kosmos (Free World).
No European government treated Sampson as anything but a pariah, for the brief nine days in which he held power and launched a campaign of murder against his democratic Greek opponents.
Nicos Sampson
But Kissinger told the US envoy in Nicosia to receive Sampson's "foreign minister" as foreign minister, thus making the United States the first and only government to extend de facto recognition. (At this point, it might be emphasized, the whereabouts of President Makarios were unknown.
Nicos Sampson
His palace had been heavily shelled and his death announced on the junta's radio. He had in fact made his escape, and was able to broadcast the fact a few days afterward-to the enormous irritation of certain well-placed persons.
Incidentally, in his memoir The Truth, published in Athens in 1986, the then head of the Greek armed forces, General Grigorios Bonanos, records that the junta's attack on Cyprus brought a message of approval and support, delivered to its intelligence service by no less a man than Thomas A. Pappas himself-the chosen intermediary between the junta and the Nixon-Kissinger administration. (We shall hear more about Mr. Pappas in Chapter 9.)
Washington, Kissinger's press spokesman Robert Anderson flatly denied that the coup-later described by Makarios from the podium of the United Nations as "an invasion" - constituted foreign intervention. “No," he replied to a direct question on this point. "In our view there has been no outside intervention."
Nicos Sampson
This surreal position was not contradicted by Kissinger when he met with the ambassador of Cyprus and failed to offer the customary condolences on the reported death of his president-the "proximate cause," we now learn from him, of all the unpleasantness.
When asked if he still recognized the elected Makarios government as the legal one, Kissinger doggedly and astonishingly refused to answer. When asked if the United States was moving toward recognition of the Sampson regime, his spokesman declined to deny it.
Nicos Sampson
When Makarios came to Washington on 22 July, the State Department was asked whether he would be received by Kissinger "as a private citizen, as Archbishop, or as President of Cyprus?" The answer? "He [Kissinger] is meet- ing with Archbishop Makarios on Monday [emphasis added]."
Every other government in the world, save the rapidly collapsing Greek dictatorship, recognized Makarios as the legitimate head of the Cyprus republic.
Kissinger's unilateralism on the point is without diplomatic precedent, and argues strongly for his collusion and sympathy with the armed handful of thugs who felt the same way.