It takes a lot people looking the other way to hide crimes this heinous. Note the patterns and then see if they align with those of the 911 atrocity in New York. The ones who harass and blacklist me have repeatedly shown me they were involved in 911.
The story resumes during infernal days in Asia.
c) American casualties were larger than has ever been admitted: twenty-three men were pointlessly sacrificed in a helicopter crash in Thailand that was never acknowledged as part of the operation.
Lance Corporal Joseph Hargrove
Thus, a total of sixty-four servicemen were sacrificed to "free" forty sailors who had already been let go, and who were not and had never been at the advertised location.
Pfc Gary Hall
d) As a result of the official panic and confusion, three Marines were left behind alive on Koh Tang island, and later captured and murdered by the Khmer Rouge. The names of Lance Corporal Joseph Hargrove, Pfc Gary Hall and Pvt Danny Marshall do not appear on any memorial, let alone the Vietnam Veterans' wall.
Pvt Danny Marshall
For a long time, their names had no official existence at all, and this "denial" might have succeeded indefinitely were it not for Mr. Wetterhahn's efforts. Kissinger was the crucial figure at all stages of this crime and cover-up, arguing at the onset of the crisis that B-52 bombers should at once (and again) be launched against Cambodia and arguing, too, for the dropping of the BLU-82 bomb - a 15,000 - pound device on the center of Koh Tang island.
He must also have been crucial in the following hair-raising episode, made public by William Triplett in the official publication of the Vietnam Veterans of America. Mr. Triplett interviewed then-Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger, who recalled two cabinet meetings during the crisis.
The first was the one at which Kissinger demanded the use of B-52s. The second was the one–no less alarming to Secretary Schlesinger-at which it was decided to sink all ships spotted in the vicinity of Koh Tang island. As Schlesinger recalled it:
When I got [back] to the Pentagon... I said that before any ships are sunk, our pilots should fly low over the ships and see what they could see, particularly if there were any [Mayaguez] crew members aboard.
If they did see them, they were to report back immediately before doing anything. In the course of flying over the area, one of our Navy pilots called back saying that he saw "Caucasians" aboard a ship .... Or he thought he saw that.
It later turned out that every member of the Mayaguez crew was on that ship.
Q: Did you apprise the White House of this ship with the Caucasians aboard?
A: Yes, indeed.
Q: And it was then that the White House said to sink it?
A: Yes, the White House said, "We told you to sink all ships, so sink it!"
One group’s desire to rule the world through scams, black magic and murder does not supersede everyone else’s rights.
By stalling for three hours, the Secretary of Defense managed to avoid committing this atrocity. And by "the White House" he clearly does not mean the President, or he would have said so. In any case, we know who was managing the Mayaguez "rescue," and who took credit for it at the time.
We are sure to learn even more about Kissinger's "hands-on" policy in Indochina as still more officials write their memoirs or make their confessions.
Latin America
The documentary record on Chile is now more or less complete, but much remains to be discovered about Kissinger's role in Operation Condor, and in the nexus of dictatorship and repression which gave it birth.
Recent published work by Martin Edwin Andersen and John Dinges, in the conservative Washington magazine Insight in January 2002, has presented us with incontrovertible proof of high-level approval for Argentina's "dirty war" of death and "disappearance" in the mid-1970s.
The evidence here might be described as unimpeachable, since it originates with a senior member of the Argentine dictatorship and an ultra-conservative United States diplomat. The first man, Admiral Cesar Guzzetti, foreign minister of the Videla dictatorship, had a dispute about both means and ends with the second man, US Ambassador Robert Hill. Ambassador Hill was a Cold War veteran with tight family connections to the business oligarchy in Latin America.
US Ambassador Robert Hill
A Nixon appointee to the Buenos Aires post, he had also served contentedly as envoy to a number of despotic right wing regimes. However, he was appalled by the campaign of murder unleashed in Argentina after the 1976 military coup, and became distressed by the way in which Kissinger, from Washington, undercut his representations on the matter.
To those familiar with the Chile investigation, in which a “two-track" policy was pursued and the officially accredited ambassador is not supposed to know of the real or covert policy, this may seem unsurprising. But not to Hill, an old school type, the declassification of whose cables furnishes much of the new material.
The link is here.
Before Admiral Guzzetti traveled to Washington to see Kissinger in October 1976, Hill had met him and told him that “murdering priests and dumping forty-seven bodies in the street in one day could not be seen in the context of defeating the terrorists quickly; on the contrary such acts were probably counter-productive.
What the USG [United States Government] hoped was that the GOA [Government of Argentina] could soon defeat terrorists, yes, but as nearly as possible within the law."
